Monday, December 23, 2019

Electronic Health Records Annotated Bibliography

Introduction This paper will identify the use of Electronic Health Records and how nursing plays an important role. Emerging in the early 2000’s, utilizing Electronic Health Records have quickly become a part of normal practice. An EHR could help prevent dangerous medical mistakes, decrease in medical costs, and an overall improvement in medical care. Patients are often taking multiple medications, forget to mention important procedures/diagnoses to providers, and at times fail to follow up with providers. Maintaining an EHR could help tack data, identify patients who are due for preventative screenings and visits, monitor VS, improve overall quality of care in a practice. Nurse informaticists play an important role in the†¦show more content†¦The authors conclude that in order to collect data for meaningful use, one must get back to nursing basics to satisfy regulatory requirements. Under direction of a nurse informaticist, utilizing electronic health records helps facilitat e this. Friedman, D.J., Parrish, G., Ross, D. A. (2013). Electronic Health Records and US Public Health: Current Realities and Future Promise. American Journal Of Public Health. 103(9), 1560-1567. Written by three doctors, who work with Public Health Informatics Institute, this article appears to be intended for medical professionals as well as the general public. The authors suggest that using EHRs in its fullest capacity, could greatly improve general population health in the US. Information such as influenza outbreaks, communicable diseases, and acute infectious gastrointestinal disease are currently reported to the CDC through use of EHRs. Under HITECH meaningful use laws, only syndromic surveillance, laboratory reporting, and registries are currently reported. The article also discusses the stages of meaningful use in depth and how each needs to be achieved in accordance with HITECH (Health Information Technology for Economic and Clinical Health). It is suggested that in the future, trending information could help isolate incidences of certain problems/diagnoses to certain geographical locations. This can potentially help practitioners in figuring out a source for suchS how MoreRelatedAnnotated Bibliography1329 Words   |  6 Pagesï » ¿ Annotated Bibliography Galen College of Nursing Annotated Bibliography Mayo Clinic (2011). Personal health record: A tool for managing your health. Retrieved from http://www.mayoclinic.com/health/personal-health-record/MY00665 This source talks about how electronic health records makes it easy to gather and manage medical information in a secure location (Mayo Clinic, 2001, pg. 1). They explain what a health record is and what goes into it. The advantages and disadvantages toRead MoreAnnotated Bibliography : Robotic Surgical Training808 Words   |  4 PagesRunning Head: Annotated Bibliography Annotated Bibliography DHA 8032 Dewel Jamerson Dr. Wederski Annotated Bibliography Ben-Or, S., Nifong, W., Chitwood, W. (2013). Robotic Surgical Training. The Cancer Journal, 19(2), 120-123. This article is good and interesting because it talks about what surgeons go through to become proficient in using surgical robotics. The surgeons and the nurses have to learn to use visual cues when performing these surgeries since they do not haveRead MoreAnnotated Bibliography APA Format961 Words   |  4 Pages Annotated Bibliography University of Maryland University College Annotated Bibliography Ghosh, C. (2013). Affordable Care Act: Strategies to Tame the Future.  Physician Executive,  39(6), 68-70. In this particular journal about the Affordable Care Act (ACA), the author Ghosh attempts to prove which areas of the medical sector will have the most impact. The research will show that the relationship between the newer technologies with improved electronic health record, providingRead MoreMedication Reconciliation And Prevention Of Medication Errors1334 Words   |  6 PagesJuly of 2004 and was announced in 2005 as National Safety Goal #8 to â€Å"accurately and completely reconcile medications across the continuum of care.† (The Joint Commission Sentinel Event Alert, 2006). Medication errors have always been present in the health care system, but over the past several years agencies have become involved in decreasing medication errors for patient safety. Also, facilities must comply with the Joint Commission standards to maintain their Joint Commission Accreditation. ItRead MoreBattery Life Chemistry Project3767 Words   |  16 Pagesnot just be asked to go. * 1 point (additional) to your final spring semester average for advancing to the state fair. III. Calendar Due Points Parent Letter Aug 16 5 Pre-Planning/Topic Worksheet with Annotated Bibliography Sept 15 48 Experimental Plan/Outline Worksheet Oct 4 35 Logbook Check #1 Oct 18 20 Logbook Check #2 (Final Data with notarizations, and final pictures) Nov 10 20 Final Research Paper Dec 2 Read MoreLibs 150 Final Exam2185 Words   |  9 Pagesexamples of: Question options: common knowledge information creation peer review secondary sources Question 8 1 / 1 point The production and use of __________ is typically cyclical. Question options: primary sources database records search statements academic research Question 9 1 / 1 point The most common types of information you will encounter when doing academic research are __________. Question options: firsthand accounts and primary sources primary andRead MoreTesting Using Electronic Transmission Systems4374 Words   |  18 Pages0 Introduction Public Health Departments or agencies rely on hospitals, clinics, and laboratory data to provide timely intervention in a community when there is an outbreak of disease to prevent additional illness. Because the conventional methods of reporting via mail, facsimile, or telephone require active participation of laboratory staff, automated reporting from clinical laboratories has been proposed as a means to improve the quality and timeliness of disease notification[1]. Read MoreHow Computers Changed the World1941 Words   |  8 Pagespretty tough life without computers. Some may not agree and say, Well, we dont need computers to live on. They maybe right but mostly, they are wrong. Computers help in curing diseases, make entertainment a lot better, keep track of important records, etc. . . Without computers, all this wouldnt be possible. History of the Computer Computers werent as technological and complex like the ones we know. Early computers didnt use chips or monitors. They werent as small nor big like the onesRead MoreHow Light Intensity Effects Transpiration Rate in Mangrove Shoots Biology Eei Task2410 Words   |  10 Pagesbetween the members of my group and I can be applied in a legitimate scenario regarding seasonal weather patterns within Australia, but in a less intense and more structured way. The aim of the experiment was to choose a variable, light intensity, and record the change of the transpiration rate in a mangrove plant when different intensities of light were used as the plants light source for two hours/test. The investigation showed what intensity, and essentially what season, of light increased and decreasedRead MoreInformation Security15951 Words   |  64 Pagesto writing the actual literature review following the theory of argument. What is a Literature Review? Novice researchers tend to approach the literature review as nothing more than a collection of summaries of papers or an elaborated annotated bibliography of multiple research manuscripts (Webster Watson, 2002). A meaningful literature review is much more. Hart (1998) defined the literature review as â€Å"the use of ideas in the literature to justify the particular approach to the topic, the selection

Sunday, December 15, 2019

I Stand Here Ironing Free Essays

Literary Research Paper – I Stand Here Ironing Kloss, Robert J. â€Å"Balancing the Hurts and the Needs: Olsen’s ‘I Stand Here Here Ironing,’. † Journal of Evolutionary Psychology 15. We will write a custom essay sample on I Stand Here Ironing or any similar topic only for you Order Now 1-2 (Mar. 1994): 78-86. Rpt. in Contemporary Literary Criticism. Ed. Jeffrey W. Hunter and Deborah A. Schmitt. Vol. 114. Detroit: Gale Group, 1999. Literature Resource Center. Web. 23 Mar. 2012. Kloss’s, â€Å"Balancing the Hurts and the Need Olsen’s ‘I Stand Here Ironing'†, points out that in the story, we get motherhood â€Å"stripped of romantic distortion. Kloss describes motherhood as a metaphor of developing a responsible selfhood, concluding that â€Å"We must trust the power of each to ‘find her way’ even in the face of powerful external constraints on individual control. † He also points out that from the mother’s point of view, this may indeed be true, as she attempts in extreme adversity to balance her own hurts and needs. Kloss however states that common sense tells us that this simply cannot be true for the child. Given her helplessness, what infant or toddler can possibly have it within her power or control to â€Å"find her own way. † He backs up his idea by pointing out the fact that while the mother can find reasonable and mature ways to satisfy her own needs and allay her hurts (e. g. , a job, a new husband), Emily must somehow, first as infant, then child, cope with and defend against persistent, overwhelming fears and fantasies as best she can. Kloss brings out the point that caring figures always come and go–the woman downstairs, the grandparents, the mother, and the nurses. As the child moved from house to house to institution to yet another house, even the environment itself does not remain stable. Kloss goes on to describe the child’s vantage point, it seems clear that nothing or no one can be depended on. That these separations are traumatic to Emily can readily be inferred from the fact that they eventuate in significant symptoms such as a depression, asthma and as separation anxiety disorder. Kloss supports his idea by stating that the sleep disorders typical of separation anxiety disorder also begin with Susan’s birth when Emily begins having nightmares, crying out for the mother. He continues with his explanation of the mother who refuses to tend her in her anguish and gets up only twice when she has to get up for Susan anyway. The mother’s indifference may be due to her exhaustion and distraction, but it is also possible to see it as stemming from hostility, perhaps unconscious. I agree with the Kloss critic on that Emily as a child did not have power â€Å"to find her own way† out of the difficult situation. Emily had no one to trust or depend on. Deficiency of the mother’s love and attention is what scared the child, making her the source of concern to psychologist and anguish to the mother. Through such hard life experience, Emily came to conclusion that the world itself is simply not to be trusted-ever: nothing, no one is reliable or can be counted on and be there for her through time. Throughout the story, we can follow that Emily experiences at least one dozen traumatic separations from significant people and objects before she is even seven years old. I also agree with the Kloss’s critic regarding Emily’s developed separation anxiety disorder. Such disorder expresses itself as unrealistic fears that the mother will be harmed or that she will leave and not return, persistent refusal to go to school in order to remain home with the mother, persistent refusal to go to sleep without the mother. Emily indeed expressed such symptoms in order for her to be with the mother. Bauer, Helen Pike. â€Å"A Child of Anxious, Not Proud, Love’: Mother and Daughter in Tillie Olsen’s ‘I Stand Here Ironing. † Mother Puzzles: Daughter and Mothers in Contemporary American Literature. Ed. Mickey Pearlman. Greenwood Press, 1989. 35-39. Rpt. in Contemporary Literary Criticism. Ed. Jeffrey W. Hunter and Deborah A. Schmitt. Vol. 114. Detroit: Gale Group, 1999. Literature Resource Center. Web. 23 Mar. 2012. In Bauer’s article, Bauer, Helen Pike. A Child of Anxious, Not Proud, Love’: Mother and Daughter in Tillie Olsen’s ‘I Stand Here Ironing†, she presents the idea that her mother’s evocation of Emily’s past life is an attempt to understand her daughter’s character. Bauer points out that Emily has been an unhappy child. Although beautiful and joyous in infancy, nurtured by her mother, sensuously alive to light and mus ic and texture, Emily was soon left with neighbors, then with relatives, and finally with day-care institutions to allow her mother, abandoned by her husband, to go out each day to work. She clarifies that it is this displacement and deprivation, Emily’s being shunted off to indifferent, unresponsive strangers, that her mother feels have created the somberness, the passivity and repression that seem to characterize the present Emily. Bauer goes on to describe the Lack of money and lacks of time constitute the dimensions of the mother’s powerlessness. She describes her decisions repeatedly in terms of having to do something. â€Å"I had to leave her daytimes†; â€Å"I had to bring her to his family†; â€Å"I had had to send her away again. Bauer states, the story is filled with expressions of compulsion and lack of choice: â€Å"It was the only place there was. It was the only way we could be together, the only way I could hold a job. † Bauer describes Emily sharing these constrictions. She points out her relocation to a convalescent home, she received â€Å"letters she could never hold or keep. † Back home, â€Å"she had to help be a mother and housekeeper, and shopper. She had to set her seal. Bauer goes on to describe Emily, like her mother, must accept the hard realities of life and act within its limitations. In this, they differ from Emily’s father, who gives up the struggle and abandons his family. I disagree with this criticism. It first I too thought that all the hardships that Emily faced where due to the mother’s powerlessness, lack of money and lack of time, however by analyzing the situation in more depth I came to conclusion that the mother simply did not love Emily. She managed to find time for her younger daughter despite the same situation. I think Olsen involved the character of Susan in the story as a beautiful blonde, lively, lovely child in order to show the reader the dramatic difference Susan and Emily. Emily is a complete opposite of Susan. Emily, thin, dark, silent, awkward, is always aloof. For the younger children are the products of less austere times, members of a family with its attendant noise and comfort. Emily spent her young life without such easements. Like her mother, she has known long years alone and has felt their toll. Her mother understands this and fears for Emily. If much modern fiction reveals a daughter’s dread of reliving her mother’s life, Olsen’s story dramatizes a mother’s dread of that fate for her daughter. It is obvious that Susan managed to get all the love and affection where as Emily was at disadvantage. Frye, Joanne S. â€Å"‘I Stand Here Ironing’: Motherhood as Experience and Metaphor. † Studies in Short Fiction 18. 3 (Summer 1981): 287-292. Rpt. in Short Story Criticism. Ed. David L. Siegel. Vol. 11. Detroit: Gale Research, 1992. Literature Resource Center. Web. 23 Mar. 2012. In Frye’s article, â€Å"‘I Stand Here Ironing’: Motherhood as Experience and Metaphor†, she proposes the uniqueness of Tillie Olsen’s â€Å"I Stand Here Ironing† lies in its fusion of motherhood as both metaphor and experience. It shows us motherhood bared, stripped of romantic distortion, and reinfused with the power of genuine metaphorical insight into the problems of selfhood in the modern world. Further, into the article, Frye points out the story where we are drawn through a knowledge of the present reality and into participation in the narrative process of reconstructing and visualizing the past. He brings to the attention that the narrator, we construct an image of the mother’s own development: her difficulties as a young mother alone with her daughter and barely surviving during the early years of the depression; her painful months of enforced separation from her daughter; her gradual and partial relaxation in response to a new husband and a new family as more children follow; her increasingly complex anxieties about her first child; and finally her sense of family equilibrium which surrounds but does not quite encompass the early memories of herself and Emily in the grips of survival needs. Frye also describes the metaphor of the iron and the rhythm of the ironing establish a tightly coherent framework for the narrative probing of a mother-daughter relationship. Frye goes on to describe the fuller metaphorical structure of the story lies in the expansion of the metaphorical power of that relationship itself. Without ever relinquishing the immediate reality of motherhood and the probing of parental responsibility, Tillie Olsen has taken that reality and developed its peculiar complexity into a powerful and complex statement on the experience of responsible selfhood in the modern world. In doing so she has neither trivialized nor romanticized the experience of motherhood; she has indicated the wealth of experience yet to be explored in the narrative possibilities of experiences, like motherhood, which have rarely been granted serious literary consideration. When I first read â€Å"I Stand Here Ironing†, I just saw a woman that has been through a tough time such as great depression and hard live circumstances. However, after reading Frye’s criticism I have realized that in fact the ironing symbolizes the probing of the mother-daughter relationships. The mother, trying to balance her own hurts and needs, does her best trying to help Emily balance hers, hoping out of desperation that the child may prove more than the inert dress from which she attempts to press the symbolic wrinkles and creases. Abandonment by an irresponsible father, the innocence and ignorance of youth on the mother’s part, an unstable home situation, chronic illness, birth order, poverty and deprivation–all these combine to affect Emily deeply, and perhaps irrevocably. The mother, trying to balance her own hurts and needs, does her best trying to help Emily balance hers, hoping out of desperation that the child may prove more than the inert dress from which she attempts to press the symbolic wrinkles and creases. How to cite I Stand Here Ironing, Essay examples

Saturday, December 7, 2019

West African Muslims in the Bronx free essay sample

The space heater’s overheated electric cord ignited a small fire. While the woman sleeping on the first floor hurriedly warned and sought help from others in the house, the fire intensified beyond their control and within minutes had engulfed the entire building. In the aftermath, a total of ten people died, with nine of these being children. Apart from 9/11, it was New York City’s deadliest fire in 17 years. The families involved in the tragic fire were Soninke, an ethnic group that numbers around two million total people. They, along with other ethnic groups from Francophone West Africa, are almost exclusively Muslim. When the news of the tragic event spread, thousands of dollars were donated from individuals and businesses to assist the families involved. However, the most newsworthy responses from New Yorkers came not from removed donators, but from the West African community itself. While West African mosques and associations gathered, organized, and represented West Africans and the families involved in the fire, America received a candid look into the culture and religion of Muslim West Africans in the city. West Africans’ Space in the Larger Muslim Community Hailing mainly from such countries as Mali, Guinea, Gambia, Senegal, Niger, Burkina Faso, Cote d’Ivoire and Sierra Leone, West African Muslims are just one fiber in a convoluted thread of Muslim ethnic groups in the New York City metro area. An estimated 600,000 Muslims live in New York City itself, while an estimated 800,000 live in the New York City metro area. Within these numbers, community estimates place around 100,000 West African Muslims in the metro area, making them one of the more populous Muslim communities in the city. These large numbers, however, are not commensurate with the measure of influence or voice West Africans have in the overall Muslim community. There are several reasons why West Africans Muslims do not have much influence or interest in the activities of the broader Muslim populace. First, there is a Sahara desert that literally and figuratively separates West Africans from the Arab world. Ironically, while much of West Africa has adopted the culture and practice of the Arab-centric religion of Islam, Arabic people are not looked upon with favor by the average West African. This might have something to do with the fact that millions of black Africans were enslaved or sold as slaves by Arabs from 650-1900 AD! In reality, despite the illegality of the act, some Arab-background people still enslave black Africans in places like Mauritania, Mali, and Niger. Needless to say, despite their adoption of Islam, West Africans are often not too fond of Arabs. Second, the ascension of fundamental Islam in the world casts a World Trade Center-sized shadow over New York City, thrusting all those with a Muslim identity or perceived similitude (just ask the turbaned Sikhs†¦who are not Muslim by the way) into a defensive posture. Many Muslim groups in the city used 9/11 as a platform to expound on the â€Å"truth of Islam† as a way and religion of peace. In this stance, the 9/11 terrorists were derided as â€Å"not Muslim,† and every effort was made to paint a completely different picture of Islam. Their efforts were largely successful, as the New York City public currently tends to have the perception that mainstream Islam is a peaceful religion. It is not coincidental that the public face of the Muslim New York community has made a switch over the last few years from Siraj Wahhaj, a boisterous African-American imam from Brooklyn who is an alleged co-conspirator in the 1993 bombing plot of the World Trade Center, to Shamsi Ali, who is a very mild and moderate Indonesian imam that encourages religious dialogue. Apart from the just stated offensive approach to defending Muslim identity in light of 9/11, some Muslim groups have tended towards reticence and/or disassociation from other Muslim groups. This stance, of course, draws little attention from the public, and frees up Muslim groups to tend to their own community. West African mosques are inclined towards this approach. They are almost exclusively interested in their own activities and community, and are consequently not as involved in the cooperative activities of the broader Muslim population. Third, the groups that are the most influential in the larger Muslim community are primarily the ones that are most established in America, as well as those who have money or have access to money. West Africans fall short in both of these categories. A majority of West Africans Muslims in the country came to America in the 1980s and 1990s. As most of these were undocumented immigrants, only those at the front end of migration benefited from the 1986 amnesty that granted proper documentation and the ability to legally bring family to the United States. With a majority of their population facing legal obstacles, and with limited experience in America, West Africans have yet to a garner a major role in the development of Islam in New York. Furthermore, West Africans do not have the same resources at their disposal as other groups. According to the 2006 United Nations Human Development Index, all of the West African countries with a majority Muslim population can be found in a list of the least 25 developed countries in the world, with the four least developed countries, in order, being Niger, Sierra Leone, Mali, and Burkina Faso. The establishment of extensive Islamic institutions in New York City that reach beyond their own community would seem excessive when the needs of their own community in New York and Africa seem so broad. Fourth, the focus of West African immigrants seems to be different than most other Muslim groups in regards to their affiliation and attachment to America. Almost all West Africans view America as a place to make money in order to return to West Africa to start new businesses and to provide a better standard of living for their families. Their diminutive attachment to America can be found in the fact that many men leave their wives and children in Africa while working in America. Though years may go by without seeing their family, the wives and children of many African men stay in waiting until their head of household permanently returns. On the contrary, other Muslim ethnic groups in New York City tend to bring entire families over, buy property, and set up highly structured institutions. As Mohammad-Arif rightly points out in her book, Salaam America, South Asian Muslims rarely return to their home country permanently due to economic, familial, psychological, and sometimes even political reasons, even though returning may have been their original intent. West Africans, on the other hand, have somewhat of a user mentality towards America. As a result, they never become too concerned with investing themselves in American political, cultural, or even religious issues. As they do not have a long-term mentality towards the country, they have little concern with contributing to the spread of Islam in the area, or even more so, with fighting for Islamic rights or the strengthening of the Muslim voice in America. Bleeding More Muslim When pressed in asking about religious identity, it is not uncommon for a West African to proclaim, â€Å"If you prick my skin, I bleed Muslim. † However, in reality, if one were to dig deep into the skin of West African Muslims, one would not find Islam but an animistic core that entices Africans to fear, manipulate, and appease evil spirits. Islam is merely used as one component in dealing with the world of djinn (evil spirits). This religious adherence is sometimes called, â€Å"Folk Islam. † I ran across an incredible example of this in the fabled Grand Mosque of Timbuktu in Mali (yes, Timbuktu really exists). Off to the side of the large prayer room, two unmarked doors stood side-by-side. Color was the only trait that distinguished the doors from one another, as one was red and the other black. Our Tamajeq guide pointed to the doors and claimed, â€Å"The red door is for the good marabout (something like a Muslim sorcerer). You see him when you want to get help for doing good things, like getting pregnant. The other door†¦well, this one is for the bad marabout, who will help you inflict harm on other people. Say†¦if you are the first wife and the second wife is getting all the attention†¦you can go see the marabout behind the black door. † Even in New York City, where West Africans insist that the need of marabouts is much less because there are not as many spirits, the spirit world is still seen as a major factor in sickness, success, and wealth. Some of the West African street vendors in Harlem, many of whom live in the Highbridge rea of the Bronx, sell items of spiritual significance alongside their traditional fare of shea butter, perfume, and incense. One particular â€Å"incense† item, while sold as standard incense to African-Americans and other patrons, is sold to West African Muslims â€Å"to ward off evil spirits. † In talking with the very man who sold these items, I was intrigued by his statements made about a Malian sorcerer who had just stopped by to chat and advertise his services. The West African street vendor said, â€Å"That man is not good. He claims to be Muslim, but he is not a good Muslim. NO†¦. practicing medicine like that? That is very bad. That is not the way of Allah. † It is interesting that even though these comments were made, the street vendor himself sold an item to protect people from spirits. Perhaps the need of selling such items was felt due to the presence of West African sorcerers in New York. With the presence of sorcerers, West Africans sense that evil could be directed towards them at any time. They then feel the need to counter this act with their own protective medicine and charms/incense to ward off djinn. In talking with one Malian man about an upcoming West African parade, he balked, â€Å"You won’t find me there. That’s a good place to pick up a stinger. † When asked to describe a stinger, he said, â€Å"You know, when the sorcerer gets you†¦they’re going to be everywhere. NO†¦I don’t get around that many Africans at one time. † While â€Å"Folk Islam† is certainly the background of West Africans that come to New York, there is an overall consensus that djinn are less of a concern in the city compared to Africa. Resultantly, many find themselves becoming more orthodox in Islamic practice and, in effect, â€Å"bleeding more Muslim. The Rise of the Mosque. Anyone who has ever lived in another country knows the difficulty of getting oriented, assimilated, maintaining cultural values and identity, as well as dealing with homesickness. When an African arrives in New York City, their first point of contact is with relatives, frie nds, or acquaintances. However, these contacts are usually very limited, and with the lack of large African cultural spaces or associations, there is usually only one place to find the sense of community that is so innate in African society and culture. This place is found in one of the fifteen-or-so West African mosques in the city. The mosque and the imam (Muslim priest) have much different roles in West Africa than they do in the lives of West African New York. In West Africa, the mosque is simply a place of worship, and the imam spends almost all of his time studying, leading prayers, and expounding on the Qur’an (Muslim holy book) and Hadith (the traditions of Mohammed). Furthermore, marabouts tend to have more religious influence in West Africa than even the imams. As society is the strongest force on community, social, and religious life, the practice of Islam can often be treated as secondary to other social and cultural factors. However, the West Africans’ placement in America lands them on much different soil, in which familiar spaces of social, cultural, and political interaction have been taken away. The only institution that stands strategically placed to address the needs of the West African community is the mosque. It comes as no surprise, then, that West Africans quickly established ethnic mosques all over Harlem, Bronx, and parts of Brooklyn. On any given Friday, juma sermons can be heard in Soninke, Bambara, Jula, Maninka, Mandinka, Wolof, Hausa, and Pulaar. These mosques naturally emerged into not only religious centers, but also social, political, and commercial ones as well. Elements of West African society that had little to do with the mosque have become merged into the function of every West African mosque in the city, increasing the importance of Islam, religious practice and attendance, and the role of the imam as well. The imam, who has been thoroughly trained in the Qur’an and Hadith, must now become familiar with local politics, law enforcement, development/health/community organizations, immigration issues, business, real estate, and might even act as a potential matchmaker for marriages! The Bronx fire illuminated the influence of the West African mosques, as well as the fluidity between existent West African mosques. In the media circus that followed the Bronx fire, it was the West African imams and mosques that played the prominent role in organizing the West African community, communicating to reporters, and collecting the abundance of funds for the affected families. While there were certainly accompanying photographs of the affected families and friends of those who died, newspaper articles also predominantly featured the imams of different West African mosques, especially as they led funeral services and met with local overnment leaders. What was also striking in the activities that followed the fire is the role that non-Soninke mosques and imams played in the handling of the tragedy. The mosque that was used for the funeral service was Mandinka, consisting mainly of people from the Gambia, and was not the mosque that the affected families regularly attended. Even the imams that acted as a voice for the West African community had little to do with the Soninke mosque the families normally att ended. In visiting a mosque in Highbridge one Friday that is mainly Maninka from Guinea, I was surprised to see two imams there who were Jula from Cote d’Ivoire and are mainly associated with a mosque in Harlem. From that moment on, I have noticed that West African imams regularly visit and lead activities in different West African mosques. Even though there is one mosque they are mainly associated with, there is such a sense of solidarity between different West African ethnicities and mosques, that the imams have a very fluid sense of responsibility in regards to the community they serve. It is this pervading sense of community that gives such pride to West Africans in being Muslim. Whereas their homeland consisted mainly of Muslims and solidarity with one another was an innate aspect of West African society, Islamic identity in America, as influenced by the ethnic mosque, spurs the West African into a deepening sense of community in a land otherwise characterized by individualism and fractured relationships. Furthermore, whereas biological family serves as the greatest axis of solidarity in West Africa, the tension-filled family relations experienced by West African New Yorkers with their families back home, which is caused by separation and increased monetary expectations, cause many to shift their axis of solidarity to the local Muslim community who are going through the same things. The social dynamics between New York and West Africa, in effect, almost force the West African New Yorkers into a stronger sense of Muslim identity with one another in order to retain the innate West African value of solidarity that is slipping away from them with every passing year they spend away from their families. Through it all, the ethnic mosques solidify their importance in the life of the West African community. The Rise of Islamic Education. Islam established a foothold in some West African societies up to 1,000 years ago. For most of the millennium, Islam was the religion of the ruling class and merchants. A famous story has been relayed throughout the years about Mansa Musa, who has the ruler of the Malian empire between 1312 and 1337. While taking the hajj (pilgrimage) to Mecca, Mansa Musa reportedly gave out so much gold along the way, that the North African economy suffered for decades and gold prices depleted all over the world. However, the influence of Islam did not widely infiltrate the sustenance farmers of West Africa, which is the majority population, until the beginning of the 20th century. Remarkably, since that time, Islam has spread throughout the masses, and over 90% of people in most of the West African countries in discussion consider themselves to be Muslim. Despite this fact, it is rare to find a West African who regularly reads the Qur’an, or is even capable of reading their central text. As West African countries consistently have the lowest literacy rates in the world, the people are often taught what they should believe, and do not have the ability themselves to investigate and study what is said. Although many West Africans in New York are educated and literate in French, mainstream Islamic thought claims that the true Qur’an only exists in Arabic, which only deepens the existent literacy problem in reading their holy book. On the one hand, this actually increases solidarity within the different West African Muslim communities, as truth and compulsory behavior is disseminated from one source through the mosque. This creates a society in which all members learn rote doctrine and apologetics that keep everyone â€Å"on the same page. For instance, when a West African Muslim encounters a Christian in dialogue about religion, he inevitably asks the question, â€Å"Who was the president before the current one? † When the answer of Bill Clinton is stated, he asks, â€Å"Then who came after him? † When the answer of George Bush is stated, he then proclaims, â€Å"See! George Bush came after Bill Clinton. Bush is the president and Clinton is not. It is the same way with the prophet Mohammed coming after Jesus. Why can’t you accept this?!? On the other hand, and this is especially the case in New York, exposure to non-Muslims convicts many West African Muslims that they need to personally study and know more about their religion. When pressed, many will say that they are Muslim simply because their parents and grandparents were Muslim. However, the need to answer questions from non-Muslims and the search for personal social and religious identity in New York draws many West African Muslims into further study of Arabic and Islam. It is not uncommon for a West African man to work 60-70 hours of week, but still find time to go to the mosque one night a week for further study of Arabic, the Qur’an, or the Hadith. Even if they personally feel too old to begin down this educational track, they view Arabic and Islamic education as a necessary means to retain religious values and cultural identity in their children. As a result, almost every West African mosque in New York has weekend and summer Arabic and Islamic classes for children. Ironically, many West African children raised in the United States do not know their parents’ main African language, yet they are encouraged by them to vigorously learn Arabic and recite the Qur’an. To the best of my knowledge, there is no West African association or mosque that teaches 2nd generation children the language of their parents. One Malian man lamented to me, â€Å"We care more about our kids learning a foreign language (Arabic) than our own! What sense does that make? † He then let out a disgusted gasp, â€Å"†¦these people†¦! The majority of West Africans in New York City have adapted to their new society by â€Å"bleeding more Muslim,† but it has raised the question with many on whether or not they are â€Å"bleeding less African. † Bleeding Less Muslim A West African associational leader in the Highbridge area of the Bronx talked to me one day about their association. Although his ethnic group is almost 100% Muslim, he boa sted that Muslims, Christians, and all sorts of people in the Bronx use their building for events. â€Å"I don’t discriminate by religion,† he said, â€Å"Anyone can use our building. In fact, I have been in America a long time. I say that I am Muslim, and I am a Muslim†¦but only on the outside. † This man reflects the other side of West African life in New York. While most West Africans find a strengthening Islamic identity in America, there is also a significant portion of the West African population that â€Å"bleeds less Muslim† in the city. The West Africans that venture into America, by nature, are more entrepreneurial, risk-taking, and free-thinking than their average compatriots back home. In West Africa, there is nothing more valuable than one’s right standing before the group. As a result, the worst thing an African can do is shame that same group. Those people who tend to think or act differently are reinforced through shame and persecution to return to cultural norms. For this reason, West African culture as a whole, including such cultural blemishes as female circumcision, are inherently arduous to change. The establishment of West African life in New York City, however, creates new opportunities to expand the boundaries of the cultural norms of West African society as a whole. West African New Yorkers’ physical separation from the cultural pull of West African society creates a softening of solidarity that tolerates more freedom and progressive thinking. If West African society was a peach, the West African New Yorkers find themselves on the soft and fuzzy edge. Their propensity for entrepreneurial endeavors and occasional critical thinking lead quite a few West African New Yorkers’ to rethink their views on Islam and the role it plays in their lives. For instance, one Malian man who had lived several places in America and now lived in Highbridge confided in me that, â€Å"I am not sure what the true way is. I know that it is Islam or Christianity, but I am just not sure. †¦maybe you can’t know. Maybe you just have to follow the way you were born into. † Another Malian man who had been in America for over 15 years stated, â€Å"All this religious stuff†¦It is all a show. As for me, I am not very religious. † Yet another man from Niger, who comes from a strong Muslim background, stated, â€Å"These West African Muslims. They do not know they have not always been Muslim. They don’t know what happened to them to make them Muslims. They think they have always been that way. They do not even follow the right Qur’an†¦my ‘Master Teacher’ has taught me all these things. In the case of this last man, he had left Islam through the influence of the Nuwaubians, a predominantly African-American religious sect born out of Brooklyn by Dwight York. This West African man felt the freedom in America to leave the social security net he had in Islam in order to follow the teachings of the Nuwaubians, even though he admitted to only reading thei r materials and never going to any of their meetings. What is interesting is that basic beliefs that define one’s right standing before the group are more likely to be challenged in New York City than back home. The exposure to people of different faiths, knowledge, and experience create a dissonance in some West Africans between their identity and truth. On the one hand, they feel they must maintain a strong Islamic identity to be West African. On the other hand, some begin to question if Islam really is the right way, or if they are merely following their culture. The questions asked suggest a stirring of West African cultural norms and the experimental phase of how things could possibly change. West African women, for instance, find America a place to flex new freedom, and openly challenge the traditional man’s role in the family and society. As a result, I have often heard West African men talk about the problems this causes, and wish their wives to stay in West Africa lest their marriage and culture be destroyed. It is evident, then, that cultural norms are being pushed and extended in New York City and, although their numbers are in the minority, a ripple is starting that challenges current cultural and religious identity. Conclusion Imagine growing up in a place where jobs are so scarce and money so tight, that taking the time to obtain a good education is risky business. Imagine growing up in a country whose villages and towns rarely have running water or electricity. Imagine being one of the lucky few that succeeds in education and professional qualification to obtain a university professor position, only to wait years to save up enough money to buy the family’s first used car. Now imagine there is a place called New York City, where compatriots return to tell the stories of abundant job opportunities, running water, electricity, subways, buses, concrete streets, sky scrapers, and the ability to easily obtain a $5/hour job the moment one steps off the plane. It is no wonder that West Africans have flocked to the city. The moment a West African man sets foot in America, however, an interesting dynamic takes place. They often become the â€Å"big man. † The â€Å"big man† is a common African social construction in which one man usually funds 10-25 family members. This funding can be to the extent of paying for the family members’ housing, food, inventory for jobs, medical payments, etc. While some income is generated from the few family members that work in Africa, a bulk of the monetary resources comes from the â€Å"big man. Obviously, this puts incredible pressure on the West African New Yorker to â€Å"make it,† and to provide for the family. When the reality sets in concerning the types of jobs available for West African immigrants (usually service jobs that demand long hours and tiring work), the luster of New York tends to wear off rather quickly. However, in return for their sacrifice, the â€Å"big me n† in New York City obtain something they had never had before. They obtain an incredible amount of influence. As I talked with a Malian street vendor one day, I caught a glimpse of the extent of influence West African New Yorkers have over West African society. I had wondered in my mind how much influence could really take place in New York on West Africa when they were so distant from each other. However, on this particular day with the street vendor, he received a call from his family in Mali on his cell phone. It turns out that his wife and mother were having a minor squabble, and instead of working it out themselves, they called the street vendor in New York to figure out what to do. The influence of West African New Yorkers was clear. If minor squabbles are mediated and handled by those in New York, how much more would such vital West African societal issues be influenced by the â€Å"big men† in New York, Paris, and other cities around the world? As West African New Yorkers bleed more or less Muslim, one wonders how this will affect West African society in the years to come. To catch a glimpse of where West Africa is going in terms of religious affiliation, I think one should look no further than places like Paris and New York. The West Africans in these places hold sway over their family’s livelihood, and they are looked to for the direction and progress of their family. As West African New Yorkers certainly associate their move to America with progress, one must not ignore the fact that this progress is not merely happening with monetary and economic development. As West African New Yorkers’ adjust their thoughts on religion and religious practice, one catches a glimpse of the religious West Africa of tomorrow.